Makeover Men

With about one in five Americans paying attention to the presidential campaign, according to the latest CBS News Poll, George W. Bush and Al Gore are strategizing and remaking themselves.

The conventional wisdom is that Bush turned too far to the right in the primary campaign, and now needs to scurry back to the center. But Bush had to throw a bone to the GOP's vocal, unweaned child, the right wing. "The good news for Bush is he solidified the conservative base during the primaries, and now he's reaching out to non-conservatives, with conservative proposals," argued Republican consultant Charles Black.

That's what he's doing now, with feel-good speeches on improving access to health care, making it easier to buy a home, cleaning up toxic waste sites and, of course, education. He is, wisely, trying to show these needn't be Democratic issues.

The trick for Bush is to make conservatives remember how he courted them in February, and make everyone else forget it. It's a juggling act with knives, thanks in part to the unpredictable effect of Pat Buchanan, who could sap away right wing votes - particularly if Bush boldly picks a pro-abortion rights running mate.

The Texas governor has a considerable asset in his "I'm not a Washington insider" line. It's not as silly as it sounds. For voters desperately tired of Washington, Austin credentials aren't bad ones. Sure, Bush's family reaches into the upper echelons of politics. But the point isn't his background; it's where he wasn't.

The subtext to that pitch is, "I'm not from that morally lax administration which somehow, unjustly, has survived every attempt to banish it from power." Bush will hammer away at Gore's fund-raising stumbles, will talk about morals and character, and leave the rest to everyone's imagination.

But Bush still has to overcome the antipathy he provokes in many voters. His touch of swagger, his occasional smirk, his reputation as a lightweight - however unjustified, these are real impressions, and the presumptive GOP nominee has got to figure out how to erase them. His best venue for taking on some intellectual heft is the debates. Gore may walk in knowing the material better, but Bush could put himself over as a more likeable, approachable guy, who, P.S., might be up to the job after all.

The biggest single thing Bush needs to do is not screw up. He leads Gore by a whisker in the latest CBS News Poll - 43 percent to 41 percent - but a whisker is enough to win. As the front-runner, all he has to do is "make sure things don't deteriorate further, said David Rohde, a political science professor at Michigan State University.

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Gore rightly emphasizes his experience, and his deep familiarity with issues. His campaign's response to Bush's latest initiatives has been "Al Gore laid out a plan for tat last year."

But no one was listening last year. Now, when Bush talks about health care it's news. When Gore does, it's stale. So Gore spends time dwelling on Bush's proposals - it's almost a role reversal between a challenger and an incumbent.

The vice president contrasts himself with Bush, if only to hold on to what he has, for polls show he does well when it comes to issues. For example, the CBS News Poll reveals voters give Gore higher marks on improving education, handling school violence and dealing with gun control.

But Gore won't win simply on issues, and his campaign knows it. His fluency on policy matters is almost chilling, and the presumptive Democratic nominee still hasn't shed the image of a wooden, pre-programmed politician. Voters have known him for years, and they're not entranced. "It's not easy to see what sort of strategies he can pursue," said Rohde. "How do you change your basic appeal?"

Gore thinks it's by descending on the nation's schools, hanging out with custodial workers and sixth graders, or by holding open meetings where he'll answer any questions (as long as they're not from the press), no matter how long it takes.

"The more people see of him, the more they like him," said Chris Lehane, Gore's press secretary. He added, "The campaign has made a real effort" to show the caring, understanding "real person" behind the vice presidential seal. More school days lie ahead, and Gore could schedule days with all sorts of Americans from different walks of life.

Perhaps Gore's greatest asset is the natural lethargy of happy voters, who want to hold on to what they've got. Whether a strong economy is due to President Clinton or not, Gore will paint himself as "the great protector of that legacy," said Allan Lichtman, a history professor at American University. "He is going to distinguish himself from Bush as the individual who can uniquely protect the good times that have built up over the last eight years."

But what about the other legacy of unsavory fund-raising techniques? Gore embraced that one with a sinner's remorse and an utterly unworkable campaign finance reform. Still, he can't quite shake that Buddhist temple or the taint of an administration that has spent so much time under investigation. So far, voters haven't summoned up much indignation over campaign fund-raising, but then again, they haven't really been asked to.

Who knows what happens when Bush and Gore really start fighting, because they haven't yet. No matter what Bush or Gore or their minions say now, this is only prologue. The main act is yet to come.