A Second John For The Dems

This news analysis was written by CBSNews.com Editorial Director Dick Meyer with additional reporting by CBSNews.com Chief Political Writer David Paul Kuhn.

Edwards won but one state in the primaries, neighbor South Carolina. At the end of 2003, his campaign had been written off, like John Kerry's. But Edwards outlasted and out-campaigned Howard Dean, Dick Gephardt and Wesley Clark and stood as Kerry's final rival. He pulled off a second place upset in faraway Iowa and then did well in other early states all over the map – Oklahoma, Wisconsin, Georgia and Missouri. Throughout the primaries, Edwards did especially well with women voters, and Democrats hope that particular charm runs through November.

Edwards' signature rhetorical theme was a complaint about the "two Americas" – the haves and the have-nots, a theme that seemed to resonate with middle-income voters threatened by recession, international competition and Wall Street scandal. It was a populism less angry than Howard Dean's, and one authenticated by Edwards' own humble roots. His silky way with words enabled Edwards to sell the theme effectively.

Edwards tenaciously stayed in the uphill race against Kerry while introducing a new phrase to politics – "positive campaigning." Pundits and fellow politicians widely praised Edwards for putting "nice" back into American campaigns. He refused to attack John Kerry and the other candidates. Today, his good manners have paid off.

Edwards faced some hurdles in becoming the vice presidential nominee. Foremost, he was the favorite ever since Iowa. Every fan of politics craves a surprise and that Edwards was not. Edwards also seemed to campaign for the job, which clearly didn't hurt him. Most importantly, there were persistent reports that Kerry and his wife, Theresa Heinz Kerry, were not personally fond of Edwards. Kerry also questioned Edwards' readiness for the job, his lack of international credentials and long public service.

But Edwards went through elaborate "market testing" in the primaries and Democrats like the product. He's been vetted by the 2004 primary voters and the press corps.

Edwards does not join the ticket without baggage and risks. By 7:39 this morning, 90 minutes before the selection was official and even before the wires were reporting the pick, the Republican National Committee was directing reporters to a Web page called kerrypicksedwards and it's headline, "A Disingenuous, Unaccomplished Liberal And Friend To Personal Injury Trial Lawyers." By 8:15, reporters' inboxes were filled with quotes in which Kerry spoke ill of Edwards and a dissection of Edwards' resume.

At 9 a.m., Bush-Cheney released a TV spot called,

Clearly, Edwards' alleged reintroduction of good manners into campaigns has had no lasting bipartisan impact.

Republicans have already targeted Edwards' weaknesses. Edwards has very limited experience in public office, no foreign policy credentials and has no military service. Trial lawyers are the great bogeyman of pro-business conservatives. He voted against Mr. Bush's tax cuts and the new prescription drug benefits.

"While he became wealthy as a trial lawyer, he has had very little experience in government or politics," Rep. John Duncan (R-TN)told CBSNews.com. "He's been in the senate for 5 and a half years but he spent the last couple of years running for president himself. When you think about that he's really only had three or four years that he has had fulltime working as a senator and that is not enough experience for a person to become president of the United States."

"I think it is a pick that is obviously going to be greeted well by Democrats and that's what important," said analyst Stuart Rothenburg. "The Republican stuff about trial lawyers and second choice, that stuff, it's typical the-other-party criticism. You have to criticize somehow. But he was vetted in the Senate race; he was vetted in the presidential race. He's a good campaigner."

Like John Kerry, Edwards voted for the Iraq War authorization early on but then voted against the $87 billion supplemental payment. Both voted for the Patriot Act, but are now critics of the legislation. Both voted for Mr. Bush's "No Child Left Behind Act," but are now adamant critics.

One fissure between the two that emerged in the primaries was over the North American Free Trade Agreement. Kerry voted for it, but Edwards campaigned against NAFTA, though the Senate approved the treaty before he was elected. Edwards used trade and job flight as an attack point against Kerry.

In an ironic twist that fans of "Fahrenheit 9/11" may not appreciate, Mr. Bush now becomes the least wealthy man on the national ticket. In net worth, Kerry-Edwards eclipse Bush-Cheney. Kerry and Edwards live in expensive Georgetown mansions just a block from each other.

But Edwards' life story, told in virtually all his stump speeches, is a far cry from Mr. Bush's and Kerry's. His parents were mill workers and Edwards made his own fortune as a trial lawyer. He and his wife lost a teenage son to a car accident in 1996, and went on to have to more children, now 5 and 3. Elizabeth Edwards, like Theresa Heinz Kerry, is an intriguing and enthusiastic campaigner.

With today's announcement, a debate between Edwards and Vice President Dick Cheney instantly becomes one of the most anticipated and potentially exciting moments of the fall campaign. Both are highly skilled, intelligent, steady debaters.

But Cheney's dour and terse style will be a vivid contrast to the Edwards' youthful appearance and plain-spoken courtroom eloquence. In 2000, Cheney was the embodiment of gravitas and the Washington wise man, a substantial asset to the ticket. While immensely popular with the Republican conservative base, Cheney is now more problematic with swing voters in the post-war period.

"What's changed after 9/11 is that people realize how important a vice president is," Larry Sabato of the University of Virginia. "Oddly, Cheney contributed. People are going to give him more scrutiny. You know I think they are going to look at Edwards and say a lot of charisma, pretty, but I maybe I want that in my anchor man, but do I want it in my vice president."

Though geographic balance is no longer a necessity, Kerry has chosen to continue with the traditional Southern recipe that served the party well in 1960, 1976, 1992 and 1996. Edwards may be able to put into play his home state of North Carolina which would be huge boost for the Democrats.

But Edwards surely doesn't put Florida, the mother of all battleground states, into the Democratic fold. But turning just one contended Southern state, North Carolina, Louisiana or West Virginia, could swing this tight race. And while Edwards will be an asset in the South, he has proven an ability to connect on the stump with voters in key Rustbelt states like Pennsylvania, Ohio and Missouri.

In a campaign this close, both candidates are looking for marginal advantages. According to campaign watcher Charles Cook, "Edwards was the only Democrat (John McCain was the only other person) who national and state by state polling showed made a real difference." The Kerry campaign insisted to CBS News that Kerry himself adamantly refused to look at any polling related to the vice presidential selection; that was left to aides.

At this point in the campaign, the Democrats appear to be as unified as Democrats get. Most analysts felt John Kerry did not need to bring ideological balance to the ticket – a good thing because Edwards doesn't offer that.

But he does offer a contrast to Kerry – loose, young and charismatic. To Kerry's Beacon Hill Brahmin comportment, Edwards adds a little Mayberry. His work on the stump this year drew rave reviews, and that's where Edwards will be from now on. Edwards can also take up the traditional vice presidential campaign role as the lead attacker. In the primaries, he was able to pull that off without getting the "attack dog" label and negative associations.

Looking further into the speculative stars, John Edwards is now the clear star of a new generation of Democrats. At 51, he will be at the top of the charts whether Kerry loses or reigns on Pennsylvania Avenue for a spell.

By Dick Meyer