July 17, 2008
Exiting Iraq Is Easier Than They Say
The Nation: The Refrain That Withdrawal Would Mean Disaster Is Wrong
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(CBS/AP)
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Photo Essay Week In Iraq Photos A daily diary with scenes of the latest attacks and snapshots from the effort to rebuild a nation.
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Interactive Iraq: 5 Years At War Five years after the U.S.-led invasion, the war wears on.
The debate over the war in Iraq follows a yellowing script: the minute someone suggests that the US move to withdraw its troops, war supporters cry "Havoc!" True to form, when no less a figure than Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki stated he wants a timeline for a US pullout, John McCain summoned the specter of dire consequences. "I've always said we'll come home with honor and with victory and not through a set timetable," McCain said, in a major foreign policy speech on July 15. Barack Obama affirmed his support for a withdrawal timetable, adding that the United States must "get out as carefully as we were careless getting in." Obama's position is the correct one, but he, like many other war critics, has done too little to counter the refrain that withdrawal is simply "cutting and running," a recipe for disaster.
To answer that line of attack was the charge of the Task Force for a Responsible Withdrawal from Iraq, whose report appeared in June. In March, the Task Force, of which I was a member, convened a group of Middle East and security policy experts on the premise that the next President will indeed set a timetable for extracting US soldiers entirely from their Mesopotamian entanglement. Our Task Force did not seek to restate the case, well-argued by now, for the necessity of withdrawal. Nor did we rehash the reasons why the worst-case scenarios of intensified chaos in Iraq and endemic regional warfare are far from inevitable. Rather, we asked ourselves: What concrete steps can the United States take, immediately and during the withdrawal, to minimize further bloodshed and, instead, encourage peace and stability in Iraq? And how can our nation and others contribute to Iraq's eventual recovery from its excruciating ordeal?
We approached this charge with a sense of humility. After five years of occupation and civil war, not to mention the preceding decades of war, sanctions and dictatorship, Iraq is a traumatized and politically fragmented country. Since 2003, neighboring states have intervened in Iraq's internal conflicts to protect their own interests--and they may be tempted to intervene further when the US military departs. On the diplomatic front, Washington's credibility is badly eroded by a war that most of the world opposed.
Nevertheless, we believe there are many steps that can and should be taken. In the short term, to prevent an abrupt power vacuum, there should be a brief extension of the UN mandate that gives the US-dominated "Coalition forces" in Iraq their legal cover and is due to expire in December. We urge the next President to pursue a sweeping new United Nations mandate, to take effect in 2009, predicated upon a timetable of twelve to eighteen months for a complete withdrawal of US soldiers and private contractors. That mandate should define the contours of international participation in Iraqi reconciliation, reconstruction and humanitarian aid. Simultaneously, the next President should inform the Maliki government that the United States is adopting a stance of neutrality and non-interference in Iraqi politics. Lasting security is unachievable absent a political compromise among Iraq's various factions, and that compromise is impossible as long as America and its favored Iraqi politicians are calling the shots.
So Washington must let the UN do its job. With the US pullout underway, the UN should sponsor a pan-Iraqi conference in which the constituent parties of the Maliki government would sit down as equals with Sadrists, Sunni Arab insurgents and others (except the small, nihilistic Al Qaeda bands) who have been marginalized by the post-Saddam political transition. The summit should seek an immediate official ceasefire and consensus on the type of multinational force that a genuine government of national unity might request to keep the post-reconciliation peace. The Task Force does not presume to prescribe the shape of an Iraqi national compact, but at a minimum it will need to address questions of federalism, revision of the 2005 constitution, de-Baathification and oil revenue distribution.
National reconciliation in Iraq will be arduous work. The United States can help it along by pressing its regional allies to stem the flows of arms and foreign fighters that have exacerbated the country's internecine fighting. The next President must also recognize that the Bush Administration's project of "standing up" Iraqi security forces has itself armed and trained combatants in the civil war. Responsibility for provisioning the nascent Iraqi army should be transferred to a UN special envoy, and assistance to units should be contingent upon their meeting standards of professionalism, respect for rule of law and non-sectarian composition. With lead time and US-led investment, much can be done to build the UN's capacity to perform these functions.
But perhaps the single most important thing the United States can do to aid Iraqi national reconciliation, after withdrawal itself, is to drop the Bush Administration's belligerence toward Iran and Syria. If an arms embargo is not to leak, these two countries must help enforce it. If Iraqi factions are not to revert to zero-sum communal logic, Iran in particular must stop playing favorites. Yet the incentives for Iran and Syria are now all running the other way. To secure their cooperation, Washington will need the leverage that only wide-ranging and direct diplomatic engagement can provide. It may also need to offer carrots to its allies Jordan, Saudi Arabia and Turkey to cement a united front of principled non-interference in Iraq.
It is fashionable among Democrats to decry the unspent billions in Iraqi accounts while US taxpayer dollars continue to fund reconstruction projects. Given that Congress just allocated an additional $162 billion for prosecuting the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the dyspepsia is surely misplaced. Yet while withdrawal will certainly cost less than continued occupation, meeting long-term US responsibilities to Iraq will not be cheap. It is reasonable that the Iraqis should pay their operating expenses, but to ask them to repair the damage done by the US-led sanctions, invasion and occupation is surely wrong.
The United States should be prepared to donate heavily to a UN peacekeeping force, should the Iraqis request one; to programs for disarming, demobilizing and reintegrating Iraqi militias; and to an Iraq Development Fund that bankrolls a labor-intensive public works program, addresses the roots of food insecurity and strengthens Iraqi civil society organizations. Washington should push Saudi Arabia and Kuwait to follow the lead of the United Arab Emirates and forgive the debts accrued by Saddam Hussein. The biggest debt of all is owed to the more than 4 million Iraqis who are refugees or internally displaced persons as a result of the Bush Administration's war of choice. The United States should plan to contribute significantly to UN and Iraqi government aid agencies caring for the displaced, and send substantial sums to Jordan, Lebanon and Syria to help the Iraqis living there, until such time as they can return home or resettle.
We do not dismiss the contingencies that will bedevil the best of plans and intentions for a responsible policy toward Iraq. Yet the chief uncertainty, on which all else depends, is whether the next President, whoever he may be, will heed the wishes of most Americans and Iraqis, at last, and order a full US withdrawal.
By John Nichols
Reprinted with permission from The Nation.
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- @ perceptions5:
You suffer from "Mission Accomplished Syndrome", just like Bush did. How short-sighted of you.
The fat lady hasn''t even begun to sing yet! Stay tuned for the deep humiliation that your ilk will suffer in the months and years ahead, as your supposed "success" all comes goes to hell in a hand-basket, one piece at a time.
In order for the Bush-Cheney Plan to really work, we first have to secure the oil production of Iraq for ourselves (as US Ambassador Ryan Crock admitted recently) and milk it for all it''s worth. But that''s not going to happen - the Iraqi resistance will see to that, leaving us holding a $3 Trillion war debt, while the Iraqi''s enjoy the benefits of those oil profits, as they surely will.
A LOT of that oil money will be recycled back into anti-American activities in both Iraq and Afghanistan, and elsewhere around the globe, in the years ahead.
In the end, you "conservatives" are going to end up looking like history''s biggest suckers and morons. - Reply to this comment
- Right on perceptions5!
- Reply to this comment
- Exiting Iraq Is Easier Than They Say- Left Wing The Nation....
...........Yeah no kidding left-wingers at The Nation.
Now that the surge has worked the war in Iraq is coming to a "successful" conclusion.
But no thanks to the Democrats and Obama.
The Nation, nice try in trying to spin the story, as usual.
Now that the war in Iraq has been won America can turn her attention to the last one, the Afgan campaign.
John McCain the "father" of the surge deserves a lot of credit for our success in Iraq.
The Democrats and Obama deserve none but the most corrupt institution, our mostly liberal MSM wolfpack press will do their best to "revise" the actual history........................sad. - Reply to this comment
- On the effectiveness of the UN, I might say four words, Darfur, Zimbabwe and former Yugoslavia. Whatever solutions that are offered on Iraq will be vetoed by Russia and China.
I see a quick withdrawal from Iraq leading to a carving up of the nation between Iraq and Syria (both antagonists of the US) and possibly Turkey. - Reply to this comment
I am old enough to remember the whining defense corporations saying the same thing about VietNam.
The politicians who were in their back pockets were screaming the same song.
We left anyway, we were tired of the scheming and deadly lies. The country we left is now vibrant and alive... without our meddling.
It was, and is still - LIES.- Reply to this comment
- Use Shrub`s Original Exit
Since Shrubco and RoveInc had such Grand Plans,Let`s just use the plan they had to leave ? - Reply to this comment
- ---"Barack Obama affirmed his support for a withdrawal timetable, adding that the United States must "get out as carefully as we were careless getting in."---
Does anybody really believe Barack''s going to have it go down in history that he left a power vacuum that Iran is likely to fill? The NYT said yesterday they can barely control the border even now with our troops'' support.
Tactically in terms of what benefits Barack and his run for President and his legacy, isn''t his trip to Iraq going to give him the excuse to draw back away from his 16-month ''commitment''? Even if the Iraqis and many of his supporters prefer it? I don''t think it''s about any of us . . . - Reply to this comment
- The US should do this....the US should do that....
Maybe the US should get out first of all. Nearly all the problems in the middle east come from two things: America''s meddling in middle east politics, and America''s support for Israel.
Why not let them care of themselves, instead of constantly disrupting the natural political processes in the middle east. We don''t understand the Arabs, and they don''t understand us, so leave them alone. - Reply to this comment
- Easy or not, we have to exit Iraq as fast as possible. If we withdrew in 2009 or 2010 or 2011, etc. it would make no difference. Whatever will happen, will happen. The Iraq Security Forces number of 300,000 men. Maliki has billions from oil sales. No external forces threaten Iraq. Given all of this, if Iraq cannot look out for itself now, it never will. If we were to stay there very much longer, we would go broke. Every dollar of the $15B plus per month is borrowed. Sooner or later, our creditors will want to be repaid. And we will not have it.
- Reply to this comment

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