June 15, 2008

Late Is Better Than Never

The Nation: In A Country Committed To Justice, Everyone Deserves To Challenge Imprisonment

  • In this June 2, 2008 file photo, reviewed by the U.S. Military, part of a legal defense team walk at Camp Justice, part of the legal complex of the U.S. Military Commissions, at Guantanamo Bay U.S. Naval Base, Cuba, says <b>The Nation</b>. Photo

    In this June 2, 2008 file photo, reviewed by the U.S. Military, part of a legal defense team walk at Camp Justice, part of the legal complex of the U.S. Military Commissions, at Guantanamo Bay U.S. Naval Base, Cuba, says The Nation.  (AP Photo/Brennan Linsley)

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  • Video Top 9/11 Suspect In Court

    Five men charged with plotting the 9/11 attacks face arraignment before a military tribunal at the Guantanamo Bay naval base in Cuba. Bob Orr reports.

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(The Nation)  This column was written by Jonathan Hafetz.
Today's ruling by the Supreme Court in Boumediene v. Bush delivered a dramatic blow to the President's lawless detention policies and overturned an effort by the previous Congress to eliminate the centuries-old right of habeas corpus. The ruling means that prisoners at the US military base at Guantanámo Bay, who have been held for more than six years without charge, will finally have the opportunity to challenge the accusations against them in a court of law. More broadly, the ruling rejects the premise on which Guantánamo is based: that the President can create a lawless enclave simply by incarcerating people outside the mainland United States.


Boumediene marks the culmination of the quest for due process that began in 2002, when the first habeas corpus petitions were filed by Guantánamo detainees in federal court. In 2004, the Supreme Court ruled in Rasul v. Bush that the detainees had a right to habeas corpus under a statute that dated to the nation's founding. The Administration, however, then sought to block any of the cases from going forward, arguing that the detainees had no rights to enforce beyond filing a piece of paper called "habeas corpus" and that any rights they did have were satisfied by the summary military proceedings it had hastily put in place after the Supreme Court's decision.

Congress, in turn, twice tried to eliminate habeas rights for detainees. The Supreme Court rejected the first attempt in 2006, ruling in Hamdan v. Rumsfeld that the legislation did not apply to pending cases. So Congress tried again with the Military Commissions Act of 2006 (MCA), which made explicit that the elimination of habeas rights applied to all Guantánamo cases, past, present and future. The issue before the Supreme Court in Boumediene was whether the MCA violated the constitutional guarantee of habeas corpus, known as the "Suspension Clause."

The first question the Court addressed in Boumediene was whether the Guantánamo detainees had a right to habeas corpus. The Administration had argued that because the prisoners were foreign nationals held outside the sovereign territory of the United States, they had no rights under the Constitution. As a result, the President and Congress were free to deny them any access to the courts at all.

The Supreme Court rejected this argument in no uncertain terms. As Justice Anthony M. Kennedy explained in his 5-4 opinion for the Court, formal constructs like "sovereignty" do not and cannot dictate the presence or absence of constitutional rights because they are "subject to manipulation by those whose power it is designed to restrain."

Boumediene thus sounded a death-knell to the idea of Guantánamo itself: that the President can imprison people indefinitely without court review simply by bringing them to a US enclave on an island in the Caribbean. Instead, Kennedy's opinion adopts a more flexible and pragmatic approach under which the Constitution's applicability to those beyond America's shores depends on a practical assessment of the circumstances. And under that approach, the application of fundamental constitutional rights at Guantánamo, where individuals have been detained for more than six years in territory under total US control, is a no-brainer.

The ruling that the Guantánamo detainees are protected by the Constitution, however, did not end the case. The government had also argued that the process Congress created in 2005 in place of habeas corpus satisfied all the rights Guantánamo detainees had. This process had two parts: first, the summary military hearing, known as a Combatant Status Review Tribunal (CSRT); and second, limited review of the CSRT's decision by the court of appeals in Washington, DC, pursuant to the Detainee Treatment Act of 2005.

The Supreme Court made clear that Congress can create a constitutionally adequate substitute for habeas corpus without running afoul of the Suspension Clause if that substitute provides what habeas corpus provides. But the Court also ruled that Congress had unmistakably failed to provide an adequate substitute for habeas corpus for Guantánamo detainees.

The reason, the Court explained, was that the habeas itself requires an opportunity for a prisoner to see the allegations against him, to respond to those allegations with the assistance of counsel, and to a determination by an independent judge. The CSRT, by contrast, relied primarily on secret accusations denied prisoners the assistance of counsel and an opportunity to submit evidence showing their innocence, and lacked neutrality. Any court review limited to such a sham hearing, the Supreme Court said, was tantamount to no review at all.

In another decision issued today, the Court reaffirmed the right of American citizens to habeas corpus no matter where they are held. The Court ruled in Munaf v. Geren that two American citizens detained in Iraq have a right to habeas corpus. In so doing, the Court rejected the government's argument that the President could avoid the reach of habeas corpus by claiming that the United States was holding the prisoners under "international authority" -- in that case, a UN Security Council Resolution. While the Court agreed with the government that the prisoners could not obtain review of their transfer to Iraqi custody, it made clear that American citizens have the right to habeas corpus as long as they are held by their government, no matter where they are detained or what label is attached to their detention.

Today's ruling in Boumediene does not require the release of any prisoner at Guantánamo. Instead, it merely mandates that the 275 prisoners who are still there must receive what they should have received long ago: an opportunity to challenge their imprisonment in court. In a country committed to justice and the rule of law nothing less is acceptable. While it has taken almost seven years to vindicate this most modest principle, late is better than never.

By Jonathan Hafetz
Reprinted with permission from The Nation.



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Add a Comment
by feelfree4u June 16, 2008 3:13 AM PDT

RE: "In A Country Committed To Justice, Everyone Deserves To Challenge Imprisonment"

Our illegitimate and mass-murderous puppet-Fuhrer tends to disagree.
Reply to this comment
by juwboy June 16, 2008 6:20 AM PDT
FeelFreek4U -- a subhuman Arab, posing as a patriotic American.
Reply to this comment
by joyous88 June 16, 2008 7:11 AM PDT
juwboy = one more right wing nazi that drank the kool aid,

he will believe anything they tell him to believe, he will dance in the streets like a monkey when they tell him to go dance, he voted for bush , that says it all.

bus IS a criminal, McBushCain is the same, a traitor
Reply to this comment
by clestes-2009 June 16, 2008 10:31 AM PDT
I don''t understand the outrage over the supreme court 5-4 ruling upholding habeus corpus. Someone answer the following questions and explain why they think the supreme court ruling wrong.

1. These men have been rounded up, most of them never charged with a crime and have been held for 6 years. So why are they being held? What is the charge? As a taxpayer I want to know why my money is being spent to house these men for year after year for no reason.

2. Those that have been charged are not allowed to view the evidence against them, nor are they allowed to present a defense. So, how do I know they are guilty of ANYTHING??

It seems to me that it is too easy for a man to be picked up and whisked away for no other reason than his neighbor had a grudge against him and saw this as a way to get even. And I am paying for that??

If one is not allowed to view the evidence against them or present a defense then it is too easy to manufacture evidence against one or not even go to the bother of manufacturing evidence at all.

Reply to this comment
by clestes-2009 June 16, 2008 10:31 AM PDT
What is going on here? Have we allowed the shrub administration to so exploit our fears that we have lost all touch with what this country was founded on??This is America, not some dictator ruled country.

Everyone and I mean EVERYONE who is jailed has a right to know the charges against them, see the evidence against them and to present a defense. Otherwise, this country no longer stands for "home of the free" because anyone can be snatched off the streets and taken away for NO REASON AT ALL.

The reason immigrants came to this country was to escape persecution from just this kind of thing. Being imprisoned for committing no crime, but for being who you are.

Scalia is a stupid, fear riddled s.o.b. His dissent was so far fetched, he should be removed from the court for mental illness.

How does allowing these men to be charged in a court of law with a crime equal being set free?? If they are actually guilty of anything, let them be charged and tried.

The shrub administration will go down in history as a BLOT on our country''s reputation. A time that hopefully will never be repeated, where we almost lost our democratic way, were almost turned into a dictatorship.

Let''s take back our country from these criminals! Impeach shrub and Cheney!
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