June 26, 2009 5:15 PM
- Text
McCain Readies Unorthodox Campaign
(The Politico)
This story was written by Jonathan Martin.
For reasons of financial necessity, personal preference and plain politics, John McCain is gearing up to run one of the least traditional presidential campaigns in recent history.
The problem is that even prominent strategists within McCain's own party wonder if his unorthodox strategy will work.
Facing the prospect of competing against a Democrat who is on track to shatter every fundraising record - and confronted by his own inability to rake in large bundles of cash - McCain and his key advisers have largely been forced into devising a three-pronged strategy that they hope can turn their general election weaknesses into strengths.
McCain will lean heavily on the well-funded Republican National Committee. He will merge key functions of his campaign hierarchy with the RNC while also relying on an unconventional structure of 10 regional campaign mangers.
And finally - and perhaps most importantly - McCain will rely on free media to an unprecedented degree to get out his message in a fashion that aims to not only minimize his financial disadvantage but also to drive a triangulated contrast between himself, the Democratic nominee and President Bush.
McCain advisers acknowledge they have little choice but to seek free entry into the media marketplace, as they have no chance of matching Barack Obama or Hillary Rodham Clinton in a dollar-for-dollar ad war, given that the Arizona senator's fundraising totals pale in comparison to both his prospective opponents and the Bush-Cheney political machine.
But aides also hope they can turn necessity into virtue and argue that by facing tough questions from reporters on his bus each day and potentially even tougher ones from audience members at frequent town hall meetings, McCain will demonstrate how he's different from two politicians who are far less accessible.
"People in the country are in a very bad mood and they want to have change," says Steve Schmidt, a senior adviser to McCain. "And the first place they evaluate change is through the prism of what kind of campaigns candidates are running. Voters will have an indication of the different kind of presidency he would preside over by looking at his campaign."
Mark Salter, another top aide to McCain, says Obama is running "one buttoned-up, conventional campaign."
"Is new politics just stadium-sized crowds and lots of money?" he asks.
But the tactics aren't solely meant to portray the Democratic candidates as distant and McCain as grounded.
McCain aides also want to paint their guy as different from an unpopular administration that prefers secrecy to transparency and friendly crowds to unpredictable ones.
"Sen. McCain believes every American should participate in the arena, and that includes people that don't agree with him," Schmidt says, taking care to note that such unscripted exchanges have waned "in the last decade."
Additionally, McCain and his advisers want to pursue voters that look different than the bare majority coalition that Bush put together twice.
"We're running a campaign that is not designed to get 50-plus-one-percent of the vote," says Schmidt.
Even if they can't win in places like California or inner cities - both of which McCain will stop in during his different-sort-of-Republican tour starting this week - they want to send a signal that he intends to at least compete for most every vote.
"You want to make sure that you tailor the campaign to the candidate and not other way around," said Charlie Black, a top adviser. "And McCain sincerely believes in campaigning everywhere."
But McCain's campaign plan is as much about pragmatism as it is perception, despite efforts by his campaign team to create the notion that they are taking this route of their own free will.
First, his advisers can read polls and recognize the daunting right track/wrong track polling headwind that is gusting in their face.
Differences between Bush and McCain will be "discussed at great length," promises one aide.
"He'll be direct about it. He's never gratuitous, never disrespectful, but there are going to be policy breaks where it couldn't be clearer." Two areas of difference McCain will highlight: global warming and spending.
And, quite practically, McCain doesn't have much choice but to run a campaign that differs from the Bush model, given his lagging fundraising performance.
"It is true we'll be outspent," concedes Black. "But between the RNC and McCain we'll raise enough money."
Indeed, to help counter their money deficit, McCain strategists now suggest that the proper comparison should be between the combined assets of the campaign and the RNC and that of their opponent and the far less flush DNC.
"The McCain camp is funded jointly," is how one adviser describes it.
By taking federal funds - something they intend to do, campaign manager Rick Davis told a closed-door meeting of chiefs of staff on Capitol Hill last week - McCain will receive $84 million.
That money, McCain aides say, will be bolstered by the $20 million in coordinated funds that they can legally direct the RNC to spend on anything they want.
For reasons of financial necessity, personal preference and plain politics, John McCain is gearing up to run one of the least traditional presidential campaigns in recent history.
The problem is that even prominent strategists within McCain's own party wonder if his unorthodox strategy will work.
Facing the prospect of competing against a Democrat who is on track to shatter every fundraising record - and confronted by his own inability to rake in large bundles of cash - McCain and his key advisers have largely been forced into devising a three-pronged strategy that they hope can turn their general election weaknesses into strengths.
McCain will lean heavily on the well-funded Republican National Committee. He will merge key functions of his campaign hierarchy with the RNC while also relying on an unconventional structure of 10 regional campaign mangers.
And finally - and perhaps most importantly - McCain will rely on free media to an unprecedented degree to get out his message in a fashion that aims to not only minimize his financial disadvantage but also to drive a triangulated contrast between himself, the Democratic nominee and President Bush.
McCain advisers acknowledge they have little choice but to seek free entry into the media marketplace, as they have no chance of matching Barack Obama or Hillary Rodham Clinton in a dollar-for-dollar ad war, given that the Arizona senator's fundraising totals pale in comparison to both his prospective opponents and the Bush-Cheney political machine.
But aides also hope they can turn necessity into virtue and argue that by facing tough questions from reporters on his bus each day and potentially even tougher ones from audience members at frequent town hall meetings, McCain will demonstrate how he's different from two politicians who are far less accessible.
"People in the country are in a very bad mood and they want to have change," says Steve Schmidt, a senior adviser to McCain. "And the first place they evaluate change is through the prism of what kind of campaigns candidates are running. Voters will have an indication of the different kind of presidency he would preside over by looking at his campaign."
Mark Salter, another top aide to McCain, says Obama is running "one buttoned-up, conventional campaign."
"Is new politics just stadium-sized crowds and lots of money?" he asks.
But the tactics aren't solely meant to portray the Democratic candidates as distant and McCain as grounded.
McCain aides also want to paint their guy as different from an unpopular administration that prefers secrecy to transparency and friendly crowds to unpredictable ones.
"Sen. McCain believes every American should participate in the arena, and that includes people that don't agree with him," Schmidt says, taking care to note that such unscripted exchanges have waned "in the last decade."
Additionally, McCain and his advisers want to pursue voters that look different than the bare majority coalition that Bush put together twice.
"We're running a campaign that is not designed to get 50-plus-one-percent of the vote," says Schmidt.
Even if they can't win in places like California or inner cities - both of which McCain will stop in during his different-sort-of-Republican tour starting this week - they want to send a signal that he intends to at least compete for most every vote.
"You want to make sure that you tailor the campaign to the candidate and not other way around," said Charlie Black, a top adviser. "And McCain sincerely believes in campaigning everywhere."
But McCain's campaign plan is as much about pragmatism as it is perception, despite efforts by his campaign team to create the notion that they are taking this route of their own free will.
First, his advisers can read polls and recognize the daunting right track/wrong track polling headwind that is gusting in their face.
Differences between Bush and McCain will be "discussed at great length," promises one aide.
"He'll be direct about it. He's never gratuitous, never disrespectful, but there are going to be policy breaks where it couldn't be clearer." Two areas of difference McCain will highlight: global warming and spending.
And, quite practically, McCain doesn't have much choice but to run a campaign that differs from the Bush model, given his lagging fundraising performance.
"It is true we'll be outspent," concedes Black. "But between the RNC and McCain we'll raise enough money."
Indeed, to help counter their money deficit, McCain strategists now suggest that the proper comparison should be between the combined assets of the campaign and the RNC and that of their opponent and the far less flush DNC.
"The McCain camp is funded jointly," is how one adviser describes it.
By taking federal funds - something they intend to do, campaign manager Rick Davis told a closed-door meeting of chiefs of staff on Capitol Hill last week - McCain will receive $84 million.
That money, McCain aides say, will be bolstered by the $20 million in coordinated funds that they can legally direct the RNC to spend on anything they want.
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Scott Conroy Scott Conroy is a National Political Reporter for RealClearPolitics and a contributor for CBS News.
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