February 11, 2009 6:07 PM
- Text
Legal Immunity: To Have and Have Not
(CBS)
By CBSNews.com's Jennifer Hoar
Valerie Plame's lawyers want to use a legal precedent for her civil lawsuit from the 1997 Paula Jones case against former President Clinton, but some legal experts say that the case is not directly applicable and isn't guaranteed to succeed in yielding depositions from senior Bush administration officials.
Plame and her husband, Joseph Wilson, filed a lawsuit July 13 against Scooter Libby, Karl Rove and Vice President Cheney accusing them of "intentional and malicious exposure" of Plame's identity as an undercover CIA operative.
The issue at hand is whether or not public officials can be immune to testifying in legal actions taken against them. In 1997, Clinton had argued for, and was denied, immunity by the Supreme Court in the sexual harassment suit filed by Paula Jones while he was still in office.
The Court unanimously ruled that "deferral of this litigation until petitioner's Presidency ends is not constitutionally required." It also said that the president "like other officials, is subject to the same laws that apply to all citizens."
That seems, at first blush, useful in the Plame case. After all, if a president is unable to receive immunity, wouldn't officials in lower positions, such as the vice president, be in the same boat?
"If the argument can work vis-à-vis the president, then it can [be applied] in favor of the vice president," says Georgetown law professor Nicholas Rosenkranz, and that would support the push to make sure Cheney is not exempted from giving a deposition.
That is essentially the line that Plame's defense team will follow.
"[It's] the president on down," Plame's new attorney, Joseph Cotchett, says of the Clinton immunity precedent. "It doesn't single out; it doesn't make a distinction between president and vice president."
However, some interpret the law differently.
"A vice president's absolute immunity has never been specifically decided," says Melanie Sloan, a lawyer and executive director for Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW).
Other cases in the annals of legal history have dealt with the legal immunity of public officials, and they have engendered different outcomes. Case(s) in point: President Nixon won absolute immunity in Nixon v. Fitzgerald (1982), yet Earl Butz, a secretary of agriculture, did not in Butz v. Economou (1978).
"The question is whether the vice president is more like the president or a cabinet official," says Georgetown law professor and constitutional law expert Mark Tushnet.
Even if he doesn't get immunity at first, Cheney will certainly and immediately appeal, Sloan says, and like the other immunity cases before it, it could potentially end up in the Supreme Court.
Tushnet doesn't see that happening, though.
"I'd be surprised if the Supreme Court took the case," Tushnet explains, "it's possible it would get there, but it's not likely because it's even more unusual than the Clinton v. Jones case."
Valerie Plame's lawyers want to use a legal precedent for her civil lawsuit from the 1997 Paula Jones case against former President Clinton, but some legal experts say that the case is not directly applicable and isn't guaranteed to succeed in yielding depositions from senior Bush administration officials.
Plame and her husband, Joseph Wilson, filed a lawsuit July 13 against Scooter Libby, Karl Rove and Vice President Cheney accusing them of "intentional and malicious exposure" of Plame's identity as an undercover CIA operative.
The issue at hand is whether or not public officials can be immune to testifying in legal actions taken against them. In 1997, Clinton had argued for, and was denied, immunity by the Supreme Court in the sexual harassment suit filed by Paula Jones while he was still in office.
The Court unanimously ruled that "deferral of this litigation until petitioner's Presidency ends is not constitutionally required." It also said that the president "like other officials, is subject to the same laws that apply to all citizens."
That seems, at first blush, useful in the Plame case. After all, if a president is unable to receive immunity, wouldn't officials in lower positions, such as the vice president, be in the same boat?
"If the argument can work vis-à-vis the president, then it can [be applied] in favor of the vice president," says Georgetown law professor Nicholas Rosenkranz, and that would support the push to make sure Cheney is not exempted from giving a deposition.
That is essentially the line that Plame's defense team will follow.
"[It's] the president on down," Plame's new attorney, Joseph Cotchett, says of the Clinton immunity precedent. "It doesn't single out; it doesn't make a distinction between president and vice president."
However, some interpret the law differently.
"A vice president's absolute immunity has never been specifically decided," says Melanie Sloan, a lawyer and executive director for Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW).
Other cases in the annals of legal history have dealt with the legal immunity of public officials, and they have engendered different outcomes. Case(s) in point: President Nixon won absolute immunity in Nixon v. Fitzgerald (1982), yet Earl Butz, a secretary of agriculture, did not in Butz v. Economou (1978).
"The question is whether the vice president is more like the president or a cabinet official," says Georgetown law professor and constitutional law expert Mark Tushnet.
Even if he doesn't get immunity at first, Cheney will certainly and immediately appeal, Sloan says, and like the other immunity cases before it, it could potentially end up in the Supreme Court.
Tushnet doesn't see that happening, though.
"I'd be surprised if the Supreme Court took the case," Tushnet explains, "it's possible it would get there, but it's not likely because it's even more unusual than the Clinton v. Jones case."
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